MLK not CRT: A Christian Case for Reparations for Racism in the United States

Since the killing of George Floyd on May 25, 2020, reparations for racism have become proposed and debated more frequently and heatedly, and sometimes delivered, in the United States. A 2021 poll showed that only 28% of whites favor material reparations while 86% of blacks favor them.

The attached paper is an argument for reparations for racism in the United States that I composed. Its rationale is different, though, from those that most advocates for reparations today invoke. It is a Christian rationale. Historically, such a rationale used to be in the mainstream of the U.S. Frederick Douglas, Abraham Lincoln, Martin Luther King all invoked Christianity as they did the natural rights in the American founding. President Barack Obama invoked these themes as well. This tradition, now smothered, I tap for reparations.

Here is the abstract:

National healing for the persistent wounds of racism, America’s original sin, can be advanced through a national apology, reparations and forgiveness. The frequent practice of apologies and reparations around the world in the past generation provide precedent for such measures. Christianity’s teaching of reconciliation and accompanying notions of sin, repentance, forgiveness, and atonement provide a strong moral basis for these measures and resonate with the rationales through which the United States’s greatest champions of civil rights and equality have fought against racism and slavery. Because racism and slavery were supported with the sanction of the state, in the name of the collective body, measures of repair may now be performed by the state, in the name of the collective body. Questions of who pays, who receives, and what form reparations take are important ones and can be answered adequately. Through collective apology, reparations, and forgiveness, the United States would enact and renew its national covenant, acting in the tradition of Abraham Lincoln, Frederick Douglass, and Martin Luther King, Jr. 

The Justice of War, the Justice of Peace in Ukraine

This coming Tuesday, March 28th, an international conference, joinable by zoom, on the justice of war, is taking place at the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv, Ukraine.

St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas both taught that a just war is one fought for a just peace. What does a just peace consist of in the current war between Ukraine and Russia? And how does it inform the just aims of the war? Here is the form to register for the conference. Here is the link for joining the conference.

The conference is sponsored through a Notre Dame – Ukrainian Catholic University Faculty Collaboration Grant

Intersectionality: The Abortion Doula’s and the Catholic Church’s

An abortion doula and a historian of transgenderism ardently advocated abortion rights Monday on a zoom panel here at the University of Notre Dame titled “Reproductive Justice: Scholarship for Solidarity and Social Change.” The freedom to have abortions intersects with women’s autonomy, racial justice, and transgenderism, they argued. Intersectionality – different forms of oppression occur together and reinforce one another – is a popular concept now in academia.

While the event’s sponsors, the Gender Studies Program and the Reilly Center for Science, Technology, and Values, possess the academic freedom to stage this event, its message contradicts the mission of the University, as passages from Notre Dame’s mission statement illustrate.

As a Catholic university, one of its distinctive goals is to provide a forum where, through free inquiry and open discussion, the various lines of Catholic thought may intersect with all the forms of knowledge found in the arts, sciences, professions, and every other area of human scholarship and creativity.

What the University asks of all its scholars and students, however, is not a particular creedal affiliation, but a respect for the objectives of Notre Dame and a willingness to enter into the conversation that gives it life and character.

. . . the University seeks to cultivate in its students not only an appreciation for the great achievements of human beings, but also a disciplined sensibility to the poverty, injustice, and oppression that burden the lives of so many. The aim is to create a sense of human solidarity and concern for the common good that will bear fruit as learning becomes service to justice.

(Boldface added)

The panel presented neither a “line of Catholic thought” nor “respect for the objectives of Notre Dame,” which includes its pro-life commitment, and was not in “service to justice.”

Members of the Notre Dame community also have the freedom – and indeed something close to an obligation – to respond to the panel, which, far from being “in service to justice,” promoted the legal rights that enable the largest injustice of our time.

I attended the panel and raised a question in the Q and A period that the panelists did not choose to answer. So, I paste it here:

Given your commitment to expand the ambit of justice, ought you not to include in this ambit the human rights of unborn persons?

If the panelists wish to include marginalized people in the sphere of justice, then why do they omit unborn persons, over 2000 of whom lose their lives in the United States every day on average? These persons received hardly a mention in the entire presentation, while the right to end a pregnancy — end these persons — was affirmed again and again. The panelists’ intersectionalism does not intersect enough.

The Catholic Church’s intersectionality includes unborn persons and links the protection of their lives to the welfare of woman and racial minorities. None other than the Reverend Jesse Jackson spoke to this link in 1977, saying, “[a]bortion is black genocide” in the context of a pro-life view that he held until he sought the nomination of the Democratic Party for President. (See also this remarkable speech of his in 1977.)

From the earliest days of U.S Catholic opposition to abortion rights in the late 1960s, it has tied together its support for the rights of unborn persons, material and spiritual support for expectant mothers in both giving birth and raising their children, the responsibility of birth fathers and families, forgiveness and healing for women who have had abortions, and the building of a culture of life.

Further, the dignity of unborn person is tied to the dignity of all vulnerable persons, including the poor, immigrants, and racial minorities. The Church agrees with Vice President Hubert Humphrey that “the moral test of government is how that government treats those who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in the twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in the shadows of life, the sick, the needy and the handicapped.” Cardinal Joseph Bernardin called this linkage the seamless garment, Pope St. John Paul II, the culture of life.

What could be more intersectional than that?

Bishop Barron Brings It

“A Catholic university is one in which Christ holds the central integrating and organizing place among the circle of disciplines and activities at the university.”

This was the thesis of Bishop Robert Barron in one of the best statements I have encountered about the purpose of the Catholic University, delivered to a packed ballroom here at the University of Notre Dame on March 2, 2023. Here is his address.

Bishop Barron easily vies for the lead evangelist in the Catholic Church in the United States. His model and hero is Archbishop Fulton Sheen, who wrote books, gave talks, and hosted a popular television show for decades in the mid-twentieth century. I have followed Barron’s work for years from his monograph, The Priority of Christ, to his video series, Catholicism, to his hundreds of homilies, podcasts, and videos engaging passages in the Bible and cultural phenomena from baseball to Bob Dylan to Jordan Peterson.

“Because Christ is the incarnate logos, the Word and mind of God,” all of the disciplines “must find their center in Him,” argued Bishop Barron at Notre Dame, continuing on to say that “a great Catholic university is one where the relationship between Christ the Logos and all the other disciplines and activities is explored and celebrated.”

He illustrated his thesis through six disciplines, showing how their knowledge can be connected to Christ. He does not intrude upon the “autonomy” of any of these fields, respecting their canons of knowledge, much of which will be “common knowledge,” accessible to any rational person. He also shows, though, how the truths of each discipline are ordered to Christ. He would not tell a physicist how to do physics, for instance, but he would call for faculty and students who study physics to reflect on how the beauty, order, and, indeed, very existence, of the physical universe points to God.

Bishop Barron’s thesis, it seems to me, implies that at a Catholic university, every department and school would pursue a strategy for ensuring that faculty and students — indeed every student — study how their discipline reflects the truth of the Trinity as known through revelation and reason.

Many colleagues at Notre Dame take on this task in their scholarship and teaching. As a professor of political science, I developed an undergraduate lecture course, Catholicism and Politics, that introduces students to the Church’s thinking about politics and that I have taught now eleven times. I teach a graduate seminar, Christian Political Thought.

In 2017, I and then a colleague in theology, Peter Casarella, launched a course, Why The Church?, inspired by a blog post written in 2016 by Bishop Barron. Lamenting a Pew Research Center report showing young people leaving the Church, Barron rued that the Church has answers to all of the reasons they cited for heading for the exits. He issued a cri de coeur for apologists, evangelists, and theologians to “wake up!”

The course (syllabus here) adopts a “disputatio” approach that looks at the major reasons that young people leave the Church and how the Church responds. The topics are: the rationality of God, science and God, sexuality and marriage, the Church’s history, the Church’s politics, beauty and the saints, and the case for and against the Resurrection of Christ. The course is now in its fifth teaching. We have Bishop Barron and his vision of a Catholic university to thank.

What is at Stake in Ukraine

            Today marks the one-year anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The United States’s support for Ukraine has been constant but is now beginning to wane in the population and among some Republicans in the U.S. Congress. It is a good time to look again at what principles are at stake.

            An estimated 100,000 Ukrainian lives and 200,000 Russian lives have been lost, which is both incalculably tragic and criminal, as are the Russian military’s many war crimes. These losses alone, though, cannot account for the injustice of Russia’s invasion. If life alone were all that is at stake, Ukraine would have been right to sue for peace at this time last year. So would have been the British Cabinet members who advocated negotiating with Nazi Germany in May 1940, when they faced the prospect of losing hundreds of thousands. Ukraine now, like the British then, has decided that something is worth fighting for. What is that something?

            Their common good. This is what I argued in an address to the American Academy of Catholic Artists and Scholars on January 20, 2023. The common good, like the just war tradition, originated in Catholic thought, most prominently in the work of Thomas Aquinas. It is a matter of natural law, accessible to all people and undergirding the rights of peoples everywhere.

            The common good is the shared cooperation of a people in political activity and institutions that promotes the good of people, families, and associations in the community. The common good is instrumental to everyone’s good but the shared cooperation is itself a good that may be called civic friendship. These ties among a people endure across time and make them a nation, one whose identity is expressed through their common history, their literature, their music, their stories. Ukraine’s national identity, like that of many eastern European nations, was forged in the nineteenth century.

            The common good, while overlooked in today’s commentary on the war’s injustice, underlies the most important goods – and accounts for the largest bads – at stake in the war.

            The common good is the moral underpinning of international law’s core principles of political independence and territorial integrity. It the good that these principles protect and what Russia brutally violated in a crime akin to those of Nazi Germany’s invasion of Poland in 1939 and Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990. If these basic norms of international life are to be respected, defending Ukraine is essential. (A fine statement of Ukraine’s war aims is here.)

            Ukraine’s common good is precisely what is denied by the Russky Mir ideology of Russian President Vladimir Putin and his chaplain, Patriarch Kirill of the Russian Orthodox Church, who deny that Ukraine is a nation at all and proclaim that it is a part of Russia. Denying the existence of a people with a common good is what arguably makes the invasion and the war crimes genocide.

            Ukraine’s common good is what is sacrificed by peace proposals that advocate that Ukraine settle for something less than its full independence. An end to the war cannot mean an end to Ukraine.

            This common good is what is ignored by Realist arguments that Russia’s invasion was a legitimate – or morally “understandable” – response to provocations to its sphere of influence on the part of the West. Russia regarding Ukraine as a part of its sphere of influence is precisely the injustice at stake.

            The common good is slighted by a school of conservatives who see moral decline in Ukraine and moral revival in Putin’s claim to defend traditional civilization in Russia. Any internal problems with Ukraine’s common good – and every nation has them, not least Russia – does not remotely justify its takeover.

            The common good is the moral underpinning of Ukraine’s claims to self-determination, which it asserted in December 1991, when its population voted almost unanimously for independence from the Soviet Union. But self-determination raises an issue: Does it also justify the rights of populations in Donbas and Luhansk, the eastern regions of Ukraine much of whose population is culturally Russian and that Russia now occupies, to determine what country they want to be a part of? Or of Crimea, which Russian seized in 2014? Yes, but only by a supermajority vote and guarantees for minority rights, not through the invasion of an outsider and its bogus referendums. Reliable polls show that the populations in Donbas and Luhansk strongly favor remaining with Ukraine. Crimeans would join Russia, which may be justified eventually, but only well after the war, when the population may make such a decision truly freely. (For my natural law defense of self-determination, see here.)

Forgiveness in Congo? Pope Francis Exhorts One Million

Pope Francis exhorted the Congolese to forgive on his trip there this past week. How did the Congolese respond? The AP story reporting his homily told of some of the atrocities that the people of Congo suffered in a war between 1998 and 2004 that took the lives of some 5 million people, the largest death toll of any armed conflict since World War II, and have suffered in the years since, even more intensely in recent years.  I have not read any reports of reactions to the Pope Francis’s exhortation.

Forgiveness is absent from the panoply of practices plied by the “international community” – that vast collection of NGOs, diplomats, relief workers, peacekeepers, human rights activists, and international lawyers – in their efforts to bring peace to countries riven by war and genocide. They conduct trials, truth commissions, reparations, relief, economic development efforts, trauma healing, medical relief, and efforts to combat corruption, but they do not advocate forgiveness. When they speak of forgiveness, they warn that it disempowers, burdens, denies justice to, and imposes religion on victims. They might think that the Congolese would chase Pope Francis out of the country.

Forgiveness takes on a different meaning in Christianity. Jesus commanded his hearers on a hillside to “forgive our debtors” because God has forgiven their debts. Forgiveness is not just a wisdom teaching, then, but is done in response to God. And through God. No longer does a victim of atrocity stand alone before and dwarfed by the evil of a perpetrator. Now there is a third party involved, Jesus Christ, who is infinitely greater than the evil and who incorporates all victims in overcoming it through his own forgiveness on the Cross. Reports the AP story:

“He showed them his wounds because forgiveness is born from wounds,” Francis said. “It is born when our wounds do not leave scars of hatred, but become the means by which we make room for others and accept their weaknesses. Our weakness becomes an opportunity, and forgiveness becomes the path to peace.” Through forgiving, victims become peacebuilders.

Almost ten years ago, in cooperation with the Refugee Law Project, I conducted a study of forgiveness among 640 Ugandans who had lived through armed conflict. I found that 86% of respondents favored forgiveness in the aftermath of armed violence and 68% of victims reported having practiced forgiveness. They cited their Christian faith as the primary reason for forgiveness (or the Muslim faith in 20% of cases).

I suspect that the estimated 1 million people attending Pope Francis’s mass understood forgiveness. It is one practice in what has become known as Catholic peacebuilding. The Church used to offer mainly the just war ethic in thinking about war and peace. In Ukraine, this ethic still has great relevance. After the Cold War, though, in a wave of societies around the world, peace has meant not the decision whether to go to war but rather the task of building stability and justice in the aftermath of colossal civil war, genocide, and dictatorship. Peacebuilding has emerged. The Catholic practice of it, though, is distinctive from that of the international community (while also sharing a lot in common with it). Its favor of forgiveness is the sharpest of these differences.

This past August, the Journal of Social Encounters published an issue on “Peace Bishops: Case Studies of Christian Bishops as Peacebuilders.” The editor is Ron Pagnucco of the College of Saint Benedict, St. John’s University. The journal is published in collaboration between this institution and the Center for Social Justice and Ethics at The Catholic University of Eastern Africa in Nairobi, Kenya. The special issue is innovative, full of well-crafted case studies, and a fine introduction to Catholic peacebuilding. The Bishop of Rome, following the example of Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI, has shown this past week that he is the most famous peace bishop.

The Truth About Life: A Response to Professors Kay and Ostermann

On December 5, 2022, two of my colleagues at the University of Notre Dame, Tamara Kay and Susan Ostermann, both on the faculty of the Keough School of Global Affairs, published on op-ed in the Chicago Tribune purporting to refute “lies,” “intentional misinformation,” and “utter falsities,” that have served to “erode access to abortion” in the United States.

The day after, Fr. John I. Jenkins, C.S.C., President of the University of Notre Dame, published a letter to the editor to the Tribune stating:

. . . Tamara Kay and Susan Ostermann are, of course, free to express their opinions on our campus or in any public forum. Because they chose to identify themselves as Notre Dame faculty members, I write to state unequivocally that their essay does not reflect the view and values of the University of Notre Dame in its tone, arguments or assertions.

As a professor at Notre Dame who teaches about justice, including in global affairs, I wish to exercise the same freedom. I consider one of the four “lies” my colleagues allege: “abortion kills babies,” as they put it. They write that “almost 90% of abortions occur during the first 10 weeks of pregnancy when there are no babies or fetuses.” The truth is that babies begin at conception and has great consequences for justice.

What is magic about the moment of conception? skeptics ask. In fact, something special happens at this moment: A new human being is formed. Three important qualities characterize it.

First, it is complete. A unified being with an entire set of chromosomes, containing the full incipient capacities of a human person, now exists. Had not the mother’s egg been fertilized, no such being would exist.

Second, it is distinct. Although this being is dependent upon the mother’s nourishment, it differs from the mother’s kidney or stomach in that it is a separate human being that exists within a larger human being.

Third, it possesses an internally directed trajectory of growth. Once formed, the zygote immediately begins to multiply, a process of expansion that, unless halted by natural threats or human decision, will develop into a person who will laugh, throw a baseball, and acquire grey hair.

Those who deny that human life begins at conception almost always assign the beginning of life – or, they might say, of life with value, or of personhood – to the activation of one of this being’s attributes or activities: brainwaves, a heartbeat, awareness, viability. Such an assignment, though, is arbitrary: On what grounds ought the development of this or that attribute or activity to be designated as the critical moment? Further, the logic confuses attributes or activity with the being who possesses them. Human beings are not heartbeats or performing math or red hair; rather they are beings who possess heartbeats, perform math, and sport red hair. These qualities, nascent at the time of conception, are possessed by a being who stands prior to them. An unborn person, it is said, is not a potential human being but rather a human being with potential.

One of the perils of identifying human beings with what they have or do is that it renders certain human beings whose capacities are undeveloped, damaged, or impaired less than fully human: newborn infants, Alzheimer’s patients, the mentally disabled. If we adopt the premise that human beings possess inviolable dignity, then it follows that these less-than-full humans possess less-than-full dignity. It is both refreshingly honest and troublingly consistent that Princeton ethicist Peter Singer, who argues that human beings do not attain worth until they are self-aware, allows infanticide in the case of severely disabled infants. “The life of a newborn is of less value than the life of a pig, a dog or a chimpanzee,” he wrote in 1979 in his classic textbook, Practical Ethics.

Scientists confirm that life begins at conception. A careful study (also here) of 5,337 biologists at over 1,000 institutions around the world conducted by a University of Chicago doctoral student found that 96% of them agreed on the proposition. The sample was unbiased: 89% of the respondents identified as liberal and 85% as pro-choice. The study cites reams of pages from embryology textbooks that teach the same. The evidence is so preponderant that to deny that life begins at conception is to deny science, much as skeptics of climate change or of the veracity of the 2020 U.S. presidential election are charged with denying truth.

As scholars of genocide tell us, dehumanization is a prelude to mass killing. The judgment that a prenatal human being is merely a potential life was critical to the U.S. Supreme Court’s authorization of abortion in its Roe v. Wade opinion of 1973. More than 64 million abortions have ensued in the United States. Iceland, making the same judgment about potential life, aspires to eliminate Down’s Syndrome by eliminating people with Down’s Syndrome, aborting babies whom pre-natal tests show carry the condition.

Around the world, over 12 million abortions take place every year, according to the most cautious estimates. (Note that the Alan Guttmacher Institute, using different counting rules, concludes that some 73 million abortions take place per year.) By comparison, an estimated one million deaths took place in the Rwandan genocide of 1994, a widely recognized mass killing, while the World Health Organization estimates that 250,000 deaths per year will result from climate change, a threat to life whose coverage in the mass media, academia and international institutions dwarfs that of global abortion. Rwanda and climate change merit our study and our action, to be sure. But why does not also more than one billion abortions that have taken place in the world since the Soviet Union first legalized the practice in 1920?

And why does not the mass taking of life every year receive nearly as much public attention as large-scale killing in wars and other human-rights atrocities? An answer came to me vividly in September 2019, when I saw the news that 2411 aborted babies had been found on the rural Illinois farm of Dr. Ulrich Klopfer, an abortion doctor who had died on September 3rd of that month. Dr. Klopfer had performed tens of thousands abortions over several decades at his practice in South Bend, Indiana, less than a mile from the campus of Notre Dame, as well as in Ft. Wayne, Indiana, and Gary, Indiana. Apparently, he had brought many of the dead bodies to his farm in Illinois, where he had preserved them in a derivative of formaldehyde. Hands, arms, legs and heads were all visible. Not babies?

A few national media outlets covered the story. National print newspapers usually placed it below the fold or beyond the front page. Most of them referred to “fetal remains,” though a Fox News online piece did use the term “unborn children.” How would these outlets have told of the discovery of 2441 dead bodies of some other class of human beings found on a farm on rural Illinois? Say, elderly? Disabled? A minority? A political faction? Would not the story merit the largest headline size on the front page of the New York Times or the Washington Post? Would not it stand as a landmark dark event in American history? Perhaps the explanation of the limp coverage is that were the media to have reported appositely the dead children on Dr. Klopfer’s farm, they then would have had to examine how they speak of the fact that every day since 1973, on average, well more than 2441 babies have had their lives taken.

“A society will be judged on the basis of how it treats its weakest members, and among the most vulnerable are surely the unborn and the dying,” Pope St. John Paul II said. So, too, will a Catholic university in its witness to justice. Notre Dame states its institutional support for the choice for life. Centers, institutes, clubs, faculty, staff, and students advocate for unborn life and support pregnant women in their choice for life. President Jenkins has led Notre Dame’s contingent at the March For Life in Washington, D.C. on several occasions. This is education for building peace and protecting human rights. The Keough School of Global Affairs proclaims its mission as integral human development, a concept in Catholic social teaching that centers on human dignity. The teaching and study of politics and global affairs at Notre Dame, then, has no choice but to take up what is far and away the largest defilement of human dignity on the planet.

Salving the Wounds That Remain: On the Sex Abuse Crisis in the Catholic Church

U.S. Catholics widely believe that the “enduring wounds” from the sex abuse crisis are foremost among wounds in the Church. This was one of the main conclusions of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops’ synthesis of U.S. Catholics’ views in its recent report for the global synodal process.

“Salving the Wounds That Remain: Where the Catholic Church Can Find Healing for its Sex Abuse Crisis” is the name of a lecture that I delivered at the University of St. Thomas School of Law in St. Paul, Minnesota on September 15th.

The lecture can be viewed here and the written transcript is here. It runs about 35-40 minutes, followed by a lively question and answer session that brought out heartfelt testimonies and views of survivors, for which I am grateful.

Here is the description:

The St. Thomas Office for Mission and School of Law’s Initiative on Restorative Justice and Healing invite you to their co-sponsored event featuring Professor Daniel Philpott.

Twenty years after sex abuse in the Catholic Church became a headline, vast wounds remain, not least the unacknowledged suffering of survivors. The dominant remedies, the logics of the journalist, the lawyer, and the therapist, have been secular. While these have achieved important results, true and widespread healing comes from looking to God’s own response to evil at the foundation of the Church: the cross and the resurrection of Jesus.

This talk, echoing nineteenth century Catholic philosopher Antonio Rosmini’s Five Wounds of the Church, will explore how God’s reconciliation of the world yields a restorative response to sex abuse that promises healing for survivors, perhaps surprisingly, abusers, the Catholic faithful, and the credibility of the Church.

Religion, Reconciliation and Race

LSU’S CONSTITUTION DAY LECTURE ON SEPT. 9: “GIVING JUSTICE MORE THAN ITS DUE”

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Constitution Day

 Daniel Philpott of the University of Notre Dame will deliver LSU’s Constitution Day Lecture on Friday, Sept. 9.

To register to watch this lecture by zoom, go here:

BATON ROUGE – Daniel Philpott of the University of Notre Dame will deliver LSU’s Constitution Day Lecture on Friday, Sept. 9, from 12:40-1:40 p.m. “Giving Justice More Than Its Due” is his topic, and Ray Diamond of the LSU Law School will serve as discussant.

The program will be held in the McKernan Auditorium at the LSU Law Center. This event is sponsored by the Eric Voegelin Institute, the George W. and Jean H. Pugh Institute for Justice at the Law Center and the Jack Miller Center for Teaching America’s Founding Principles and History. The lecture is free and open to the public. 

Philpott is professor of political science at the University of Notre Dame. He earned his Ph.D. in 1996 from Harvard University and specializes in religion and global politics, focusing on religious freedom, reconciliation, the political behavior of religious actors, and Christian political theology. The author of “Just and Unjust Peace: An Ethic of Political Reconciliation,” as well as several other books, Philpott has promoted reconciliation in the aftermath of massacres and civil wars in Kashmir and the Great Lakes Region of Africa.

Commenting on Philpott’s remarks will be Professor Ray Diamond of the LSU Law School. Diamond holds the James Carville Alumni Professorship and the Jules F. & Francis L. Landry Professorship and is the Director of the Pugh Institute. He received his education from Yale College and Law School. 

“Reflecting upon my experience studying and being involved in countries that are seeking reconciliation in the wake of the past injustices of war and dictatorship, I noticed that religious leaders operated out of a different paradigm than secular ‘international community’ figures,” said Philpott. “I ultimately concluded that they had a different way of thinking about justice, which I call the justice of right relationship, which contrasts with the classical notion of the constant will to render another his due. The justice of right relationship can be applied not only to the context of countries dealing with past injustices but also to other contemporary issues in a liberal democracy such as race.”

The Voegelin Institute, named for one of LSU’s original Boyd Professors and a scholar of international acclaim and located in the Department of Political Science at LSU, is a humanities and social sciences research institute dedicated to exploring the ideas and questions that animated Eric Voegelin’s thought. 

The Pugh Institute provides support for research and educational activities that promote justice for individuals in the administration of the criminal and civil justice systems in Louisiana and elsewhere.  

From its founding in 1906, LSU Law has offered its students a legal education recognized for its high standards of academic excellence, an outstanding teaching and research faculty, and integrated programs in Louisiana civil law and Anglo-American common law. The Jack Miller Center, located in Philadelphia, supports Constitution Day programs and civic education initiatives nation-wide.

For more information, contact James Stoner, Hermann Moyse, Jr. Professor and director of The Eric Voegelin Institute for American Renaissance Studies, at 225-578-2538 or poston@lsu.edu. Contact

ERNIE BALLARD


LSU Media Relations
225-578-5685eballa1@lsu.edu

The Catholic Church in Nicaragua is Under Caesar’s Sword

The Catholic Church is being repressed at the hands of Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega. His government placed under house arrest the Bishop of Matagalpa, Rolando José Álvarez, on August 3, shut down Church radio stations on August 1, and has banned religious protests and processions. In March, it forced into exile the papal nuncio to Nicaragua.

Ortega represses the Catholic Church to secure the rule of himself and his party. He has been president since 2007 and won a fourth consecutive term in 2021, an election in which he faced no political opposition and had indeed arrested his opponents. The Catholic Church is the remaining civil society organization that retains, or struggles to retain, freedom from the state, as this piece in the New York Times explains well:

But as Mr. Ortega, 76, last year began to purge the few remaining dissidents in politics, civil society, news media, academia, business and culture, the Catholic churches in this deeply religious Central American nation assumed an increasingly pivotal role. More than sources of spiritual solace, they became the only places in the country where citizens could speak their minds and listen to speakers who were not appointed by the state.

Mr. Ortega’s already authoritarian rule tipped into systematic repression last year when it became clear that he lacked a popular mandate to win another term in the general elections held in November. To retain power, he turned the country into a one-party state, jailing all opposition presidential candidates and then moving to silence all other dissident voices. Now, with the last influential clergyman silenced, Nicaragua has reached a milestone, according to human rights activists, former officials and priests: cementing its position as a totalitarian state.

In the book God’s Century (2011), coauthored by Monica Duffy Toft, Timothy Samuel Shah, and myself, we advanced the thesis of late political scientist Samuel Huntington that the Catholic Church was a motor of the wave of global democratization that began in 1974. The Church opposed dictatorships most powerfully in countries such as Poland and the Philippines in the 1980s, where it had preserved independence from state in authority in its governance, finances, personnel, and other aspects of authority, and was co-opted by authoritarian and violent states such as Rwanda and Argentina, where it was weaker and far less independent. Doubtless Ortega perceives this. He must control the Church, he reasons, if he is to remain in power unopposed.

Exemplary among global responses has been that of Cardinal Matteo Zuppi of Bologna, Italy. Here is his view as reported in an article in the National Catholic Register.

Cardinal Zuppi underlined that “with dismay and incredulity we receive news of the harsh persecutions that the people of God and their pastors are undergoing because of fidelity to the Gospel of justice and peace.”

“In recent weeks we have followed with concern the decisions taken by the government against the Christian community, also implemented through the use of force by the military and police forces. Lately we have learned of the arrest of H.E. Msgr. Rolando José Álvarez Lagos, Bishop of Matagalpa, together with other people, including priests, seminarians and laity,” the cardinal said.

It is a “very serious act, which does not leave us insensitive and which induces us to keep our attention high on what happens to these brothers of ours in the faith,” and which took place in circumstances and contexts that “arouse particular apprehension not only because they take it aims at Christians who are prevented from the legitimate exercise of their beliefs, but because they are part of a moment in which the most elementary human rights appear to be strongly threatened.”

Italy’s bishops, therefore, join “the requests of the international community, which have also found a voice in the recent declarations of the Secretary General of the United Nations, António Guterres. We therefore ask the political leaders to guarantee freedom of worship. and of opinion not only to the exponents of the Catholic Church, but to all citizens.”

Nicaragua reminds us that the persecution of Christians, and religious freedom in general, continues to be violated around the world. The Under Caesar’s Sword project serves as a forum for educating the world about the persecution of Christians.

This coming Monday, August 29th, begins a six-week online course, “Under Caesar’s Sword: Christians in Response to Persecution,” taught by The Institute for Church Life at the University of Notre Dame. It is not too late to sign up!

This past summer, Notre Dame student Joseph London updated the Country Profiles of Under Caesar’s Sword, which describe persecution in 25 countries and serve as a resource for education. The profiles were first developed around 2015-2017 and so have needed to be updated. The countries alas do not include Nicaragua, whose persecution was not acute in 2014, when Under Caesar’s Sword’s research scholars were recruited to study designated countries first hand.